Marriage in the Nara Ethnic Group of Eritrea, North East Africa:Continuity and Changes

Issa Adem Hamid
Dr. Basanta Kumar Mohanta

Abstract

Marriage in the Nara ethnic group of Eritrea (Africa) is an event which must be celebrated elaborately. It is the most conspicuous of all the occasions and is celebrated in the presence of a fairly large gathering. In the past the parents and older members of the family arranged almost all marriages. This is still the case in rural areas and with traditional families. In urban areas, however, couples choose their own mate but their parents’ consent is still very important and is considered by both sides. Even nowadays after the couple have decided themselves, it is normally the groom’s parents or other relatives who take the initiative and formally ask for the bride and her family’s consent. Among the Nara ethnic group, marriage is an important social rite that marks a significant change in the social life of the couple. Traditionally, in some areas when a boy reaches adolescent stage he undergoes initiation rite before he is eligible for marriage; and this is very common, particularly, among the Koyta people. Marriage age is not clear-cut for either sexes, but on an average 17 years for boys and 15 years for girls.

Keywords: Nara, Koyta, Eritrea, Marriage, Initiation rite, Nile, Animist, Ritual

Introduction

Marriage is one of the important social institutions of each and every society which links both biological and cultural phenomenon. The concept of “marriage” has been defined from slightly different perspectives. In an attempt to define the term marriage, Edward Westermarck (1894) declared marriage to be a universal human institution that had been part of the social structure of all settled societies. More recent definition of the term marriage states that marriage is a legally binding contract between a woman and a man that conveys certain rights and privileges, including sexual exclusivity, legitimation of any children born of the union, and economic responsibilities (Axelson (1985) cited in J.K. Davidson et. al. (1996:21)). Axelson further elaborates that most marriages involve an emotional commitment on the part of the two persons. Additional characteristics, he adds, that are usually ascribed to marriage include initiation by means of a public ceremony, a license issued by a governing body, and the expectation that procreation will occur. In spite of this multiplicity of different definitions, ultimately marriage is considered as a ritual where man and woman are accepted as husband and wife. It is a social and religious fulfillment of life. Similarly, at the time of describing marriage, Crapo (2002: 324) has mentioned that ‘a socially accepted sexual and economic union involving a lasting commitment between two or more people who have parental rights and obligations to any children of the union.’

The Nara ethnic group is one of the nine native ethnic groups of Eritrea, North-East Africa. The Nara people are believed to have come from the farming and animal rearing Nilo-Saharan stock that migrated to the present day Eritrea from the Nile Basin at about 10,000 years ago. They speak one of the oldest Nilo-Saharan languages (Nara-bana). The term Nilo-Saharan was named after the Nile Valley, the original habitat for the Nara people. The Nara people predominantly dwell in scattered hamlets in the Gash Barka region (the former Gash and Setit Province) in western Eritrea. They are surrounded by the Tigre people and are among the ethnic groups least influenced by colonialism (Hailemariam 2002:75). Generally, a large number of the Nara people live in the major towns of the Gash Barka region. Barentu is one of the main urban centers for the Nara people and it is the regional capital of Zoba Gash Barka (Adem 2009:9, 2014:5). Marriage in the Nara ethnic group is an event which must be celebrated with glory and distinction. It is the most conspicuous of all the occasions and is celebrated in the presence of a fairly large assembly. In the past the parents and older members of the family arranged almost all marriages. This is still the case in rural areas and with traditional families. In urban areas, however, couples choose their own mate but their parents’ consent is still very important and is considered by both sides. Even nowadays after the couple have decided themselves, it is normally the groom’s parents or other relatives who take the initiative and formally ask for the bride and her family’s consent. Once the groom and his family express their desire for the union, they go to the bride’s home with some gifts such as kohl, perfumes, hair oil, clothes etc. If accepted more presents would follow. Because of the various factors a number of changes in different aspects of the Nara marriage have been occurred. Along with the description about the age at marriage, rituals, selection of mates, bride price, types of Nara marriages, divorce etc, in this present paper an attempt has been made to discuss the factors of changes in Nara marriage system. Since the first author belongs to the studied ethnic groups, most of the data are collected by participation observation and interview methods.

Marriage is an Important Aspect of the Nara Social System

Marriage and family ties significantly vary from one dialectal group to another; and this is due to certain cultural arrangement differences. Generally, there are two types of kinship systems among the Nara people: matrilineal and patrilineal systems, though the earlier is not very common nowadays. It is practiced, however, in a restricted way; and most of the times it is supplemented with the patrilineage norms. The Koyta linguistic group still maintains some of the matrilineal norms. For instance, in the Koyta-speaking dialectal group, kinship marriage especially with relatives on mother’s side is strictly forbidden; in fact it is incestuous. Relatives of mother’s descent are known as Tur-Shofa Sawa kena- literally it means kinship ceremonial-basket relatives, and it emphasizes the closeness of relatives on mother’s side. In short, the ceremonial basket is taken to symbolize ancestral relationship on the mother’s side. But marriage with relatives on the father’s side is common among the Koyta people. In patrilineal social system it is a norm to marry ones own close relatives on both father’s and mother’s sides; and this norm is common among the other sects of the Nara ethnic group. So, the main difference lies in the fact that in the Koyta linguistic group kinship marriage is confined to the relatives of father’s side only.

Age at Marriage

Among the Nara ethnic group marriage is an important social rite that marks a significant change in the social life of the couple. Traditionally, in some areas when a boy reaches adolescent stage he undergoes initiation rite before he is eligible for marriage; and this is very common, particularly, among the Koyta people. The age at marriage age is not clear-cut for either sexes, but on an average 17 years for boys and 15 years for girls.

Selection of Mates

Generally, marriage in the Nara ethnic group is arranged. The parents choose the girl for their boy when he is eligible for marriage and usually the boy accepts his parents’ decision. Sometimes, however, the boy can veto his parents’ choice, and propose the girl he loves; in such cases the parents can compromise to the choice of their son. In general it is uncommon for the boy to marry without securing his parents’ consent and the couples involved usually get acquainted with each other before they wed for customarily marriages are endogamous. In fact in some areas, sometimes the actual marriage is preceded by dating and courtship.

Arrangements of Marriage

Traditionally, marriage arrangements are reasonable in terms of expense. The bride price consists of cattle, or other animals or any other property as agreed to by both parties. Nowadays, however, cash or gold is the preferred bride price. The validity of marriage is based on agreement to pay the bride price. However, it is not a must to pay the bride price prior to marriage and may it be paid during the marriage depending on the economic situation of the groom’s family. The four dialectal groups of the Nara people have different practices pertaining to the payment and amount of the bride price. For example, in Koyta dialectal group the bride price consists of four cows in addition one cow to be slaughtered on the eve of the wedding ceremony. In Higer, Mogoreb and Saantorta dialectal groups the bride price is only two cows, and a sheep is slaughtered instead, on the eve of the wedding day.

The formal marriage ceremony among the four dialectal groups lasts for four days and during which period the couples were not allowed to see each other. As the wedding day approaches, the bride is kept confined to her family and she is not supposed to be seen in public. Meanwhile, she will pass through certain matrimonial rituals such as dawshi (smoke bath) and other beautification processes.

Types of Marriage

Two types of marriage are identified in the Nara ethnic group: shirfa labi and aqid labi. The first one refers to the traditional marriage (now very rare); whereas the second one is the most common and it is the type of marriage as ascribed by the Islamic law (Sharia). However, sometimes one might observe a blend of the two. Marriage in the Nara ethnic group is polygamous; a man can marry up to four wives.

Shirfa Labi

Shirfa labi is an indigenous marriage of the Nara ethnic group and it was in effective use before Islam was embraced. It draws its essence from the traditional beliefs and practices. For example, ancient customs such as the obligatory male initiation rite before marriage, forbidding marriage between maternal relatives, and guardianship right of children to maternal family in case of divorce are some of the prime features of shirfa labi. On one hand this type of marriage seems to mix the indigenous practices with the recently absorbed Islamic traditions, and on the other hand it seems to mismatch with some aspects of Islamic laws. One of the most important distinctive features of this type of marriage is the slaughtering procedure in which animals are slaughtered following certain rituals that are basically different from the Islamic conventions that govern the ritual. For example, a cow, sheep or goat is slaughtered with its head facing eastward while the person performing the kill stands facing southward. This traditional way of slaughtering animals for food had a great historical implication about the origin myth of the Nara people. According to their myth of origin, the southward direction indicates the place where their ancestors came from; and most probably they are referring to the Nile Basin. This myth accords with the Nilo-Saharan linguistic theory which states that the Nara and Kunama came to the present day Eritrea from the Nile Valley around 10,000 years ago.

Aqid Labi

This type of marriage is the commonest among the Nara ethnic group and it is referred to as aqid labi simply because it is based on the Islamic law (Sharia). In fact the word aqid (Arabic) means wedding bond or wedlock. This type of marriage involves Islamic religious leaders (Sheikhs) to tie the wedding bond and it is normally performed on the wedding day in which the Sheikh pronounces the boy and the girl as husband and wife, usually, in the presence of both families (sometimes representatives of the bridegroom or the bride).

Bride Price

Traditionally, the bride wealth for both types of marriage is same; and it is obligatory. It is usually paid in terms of heads of cattle: four cows and eight goats for a young girl, and two cows and four goats if the bride is a divorcee or a widow. To make the bride wealth affordable, particularly if the bridegroom’s family is poor, special dispensations are made. For example, a cow can be substituted with four goats, or two sheep or even a calf can simply be accepted. In addition to the four cows, as a cultural obligation, one more cow is given to the bride’s family by the bridegroom’s family. This cow is slaughtered on the eve of the wedding day boro kenta diraar and is referred to as boro aar. The ritual of slaughtering a boro aar is exclusively performed by the Koyta linguistic group. The remaining dialectal groups, instead, slaughter a sheep boro kenta duu. This means the ritual of boro kenta is not uniformly performed by the various dialectal groups.

In case of aqid labi types of marriage, generally, the quantity of the bride wealth is discussed in the presence of the sheikh, and it can be settled all at once or partially depending on the economic situation of the boy’s family which is done through mutual understanding of both families. If the boy’s family is not in a position to pay it at once, they will be given a certain time limit within which they must pay. Paying what remained from the bride wealth can be settled in the presence of the same sheikh or in his absence depending on the circumstances.

In general, the trend nowadays is moving away from the traditional way of paying the bride-wealth mainly due to the influence of other cultures. Education and urbanization have also played a major role in changing people’s attitudes and life style. Nowadays, the bride-wealth can be paid in gold or in cash particularly in urban areas instead of livestock. One thing very special is all the returns are given to the bride (contrary to the traditional marriage custom where the property given as bride’s wealth is retained by the bride’s family). If the bride wealth is given in cash, all the money is given to the bride as a gift to establish her new life with her husband.

Marriage Ceremony

The official marriage ceremony among the Nara ethnic group lasts for four days; and each day has its own significance. The first day or the eve of the wedding is called boro kenta diraar or henna diraar (as it is commonly called nowadays). On the evening of henna diraar the bridegroom passes through two most important rituals: wedding bathceremony ashal mbaa, and the henna ritual. It is during the eve of the wedding, people offer or enunciate their wedding presents to the bridegroom. The gifts are in a form of cash, gold, utensils, goats, sheep; cows, etc. Meanwhile, the bridegroom along with his best-men, get hennaed. Henna is practiced mainly for its aesthetic value and it is applied on both the bride and her groom, but the decorations for the bride are more intricate.

The gifts are made public by mentioning the name of the giver and the amount donated. There is a special person assigned to disclose the names and the gifts given. Usually, the hennaceremony is simultaneously performed for the bridegroom and the bride in their respective houses, though, with slight difference in some aspects of the ceremony. For example, during the henna ceremony the bride is not supposed to appear in public as the bridegroom does. This means only the bridesmaids get hennaed publicly on the night of henna diraar. The bride gets hennaed secretly some time earlier (usually a couple of days before the official and actual henna night). Generally, the bride passes through rituals such as ashal mbaa, hennaing her hands and feet, dressing her hair in a new elaborate style, and taking a smoke bath.

Marriage Rituals

Traditional rituals associated with marriage are among the main ingredients of the marriage ceremony among the Nara people. Many of these rituals are still celebrated with deference and in an elaborate manner. Most of these rituals are rooted in ancient pagan and animistic customs, though there are also newly adopted rituals, most of which are borrowed from neighboring cultures. Some of these ritualsinclude: ashal mbaa (wedding bath), mariyoot (honeymoon), delka (beautification rituals). Each of these rituals has its unique symbolic significances. Some of them symbolize lasting love and marital relationship. Some of them symbolize fertility of the couple. Some of them symbolize chastity.

Ashal Mbaa (Wedding bath)

Ashal mbaa in Nara it means wedding bath. Wedding bath ceremony is an indispensable part of the wedding ceremony where the bridegroom is publicly bathed. This ritual is usually performed in the evening of henna diraar. The person who bathes the bridegroom is usually his close relative, - preferably one of his aunts. The bath water used for this purpose is prepared by pouring milk into a water container and then some special herbs, having certain medicinal values and aromatic elements, are added. Then the multi-component solution is sprinkled around the head, chest and arms of the bridegroom. This ashal mbaa contains milk and turf grass as very essential ingredients. These two elements depict the deep-seated belief associated with milk and turf grass: the blending of water and milk to form a homogenous mixture represents harmony and the turf grass stands for the expansion of the offspring. The underlying assumption is that the bridegroom and the bride are wished to be united and mix like water and milk as one entity and to reproduce and expand their family the same way as the turf grass does. (Adem 2008:7)

Despite the fact that bathing the bridegroom with ashal mbaa is considered as a very essential ritual, there is a different attitude among the male members toward this ritual, however. Some are given to believe that the solution obtained out of these herbs has some adverse effect on mind. For example, it is believed that it makes the person dull. Actually it is a stereotype among the male members of the community. The underlying assumption that the bridegroom must be bathed with ashal mbaa is not meant to inflict any type of harm upon the person’s manly traits. It is just a popular belief that this ritual will help the married life to be lasting and prosperous.

The second day is the official wedding day and is referred to as labi kos, literally it means the wedding day; and it is the most significant of all. It is on this day that the main activities and commotions of marriage take place. After lunch, some of the bridegroom’s family members including the bridegroom himself and his best men along with some of the guests set out in a procession (singing and dancing) and head towards the bride’s family house. Traditionally, the bride is seated on a camel and the groom on a horseback.

In the culture of the Nara people the bride and her bridesmaids do not immediately enter into the bridegroom’s house rather they stay in another nearby house for a while (maybe for an hour). And this house is traditionally referred to as hadere daa - in Nara it means a house of rest. Here they enjoy a brief welcoming moments of eating and drinking before going directly to the bridegroom’s family house. Hadere daa has a symbolic significance as it represents a couple who have enjoyed a long lasting marital life. So the intent of taking the bride through hadere daa is to wish her a similar lasting happy marital life.

The third day is called kabbur kos - literally it means dance day. As the phrase implies it is the day in which people rejoice by singing and dancing. The fourth day of the marriage ceremony is called subtatta kos. It is the last day for the wedding ceremony. On this day the main task is to clean and wash the entire items including clothes. Close relatives including the bridegroom’s best men and bridesmaids stay behind to help winding up the ceremony.

The bride stays in her husband’s house for four months. It is only after four months that she can officially go back to her parents’ house where she stays there for a month and then she returns to her husband’s house. Meanwhile, her husband can visit her while she is staying in her parents’ home. The newlywed couple becomes independent normally after a year.

Weeping Customs

One of the most conspicuous customs of the wedding ceremonies on the side of the bride is the custom of weeping. When the bride is about to be formally transferred to the family of her prospective husband, as a custom she has to weep. The custom of weeping has symbolic significances with several contradicting connotations and interpretations associated to it. The origin of the custom of weeping is not clear, but most people see it as a protest, on the side of the bride, against the unjust marriage. Traditionally, marriage among the Nara people, for most part, is arranged and the girl has to obey her family’s decision. As a way of expressing her dissatisfaction with the marriage arrangement she has to cry. Sometimes weeping may not be sincere and it may be a sign of traditional consistence meant to avoid the impression that she is willing to get married. It is a matter of self-esteem. Another explanation of the weeping custom is associated with the stresses and strains of the “traditional” marital life. According to this view the girl cries at the ineluctable prospect of becoming wife and living under stressful environment and being abided by marital norms.

Mariyoot (Honeymoon)

Mariyoot (Honeymoon)is the period in which the newly married couples live in a state of marital bliss which includes a romantic interlude in the beginning days of a marriage. Apart from this,it has different functions. Coleman (1984), cited in J.K. Davidson et.al. (1996), suggests three functions attributed to such honeymoon. First, a honeymoon provides an opportunity for privacy that enables the couple to adjust from being separate individuals to being a couple who must share a common space and learn the intimacies of living together. Second, a honeymoon provides an opportunity for marital sexual activity and the achievement of sexual satisfaction. Third, a honeymoon allows for a period of recuperation from the stresses and fatigue associated with the preparation and “staging” of a large wedding and reception. Simply, it provides an opportunity for newlyweds to get better acquainted under favorable and romantic circumstances. This mariyoot among the Nara people is an important phase of the early days of marriage. It is the period where the newly married couple be fully acquainted with each other as husband and wife and begin romantic relationship.

Wedding Costumes

During the course of the wedding celebration the groom and his best men wear a traditional dress called abbinna kuti or modern Islamic attire called sawakinia, usually a set of garments that consists of a loose full-length tunic called jellaabia, a jacket-like outerwear called sideria and a white turban called imma. The groom is distinguished by a red scarf draped around his neck and by keeping a sword adorned with a small bell (cowbell type) dangling from the middle part of its sheath. The clangs made by the bell are used to signal the presence of the groom especially during the night. Generally, the sword is used as a symbol of man’s elegance. Throughout the wedding celebration, the groom and his best men wear tukkatka (silver bangles) around their right-hand wrists as amulets against possible evil eye.

Traditionally, both the bride and the bridegroom wear traditional attire called dabalaan or kuute ereenku (a big white piece of cloth wrapped around the body) or wear Islamic-style clothe calledtob. The white color is a symbol of purity, innocence and faithfulness. In the past it was customary for the newlyweds to wear aara bessa (shoes made from cattle’s hide).

Wedding Songs and Dances

Traditional songs and dances are the feature entertainment of the wedding ceremonies in the Nara ethnic group; and traditional singers are usually invited during these celebrations. Conventionally, performing wedding songs is the task of women except for the ritual songs which are either exclusively performed or sometimes co-performed (jointly with women) by men. Normally, men perform songs related to plowing, weeding, harvesting, drawing water from well, tending livestock, hunting, and other related activities.

Marriage Taboo

Although, all the people of Nara ethnic group are the followers of the Islam religion, their way of life to some extent is influenced by their ancient customs. As mentioned earlier, forbidding marriage between cousins on mother’s side, the obligatory male initiation rite before marriage and the guardianship right of children to their maternal uncles are some of the salient features of marriage and family related customs. Sharia laws are applied to restrict some of these traditional practices that do not conform to the Islamic law. For example, the traditional way of slaughtering animals for food has been abandoned and replaced by zebihat halaal (slaughtering according to the Islamic law). Furthermore, Sharia is applied most notably in domestic cases such as divorce, inheritance, the rights of husband and wife, etc.

Divorce

In the Nara ethnic group, divorce on various grounds is recognized in both types of marriage (although it is rare). Based on circumstances, and normally through the consent of both families, marriage can be subjected to dissolution. Depending on the couple’s marital background (that is whether the marriage was shirfa labi or aqid based) either the traditional law or the Islamic law (Sharia) is applied to terminate the contract. Normally, the customary law is employed to settle disputes in a traditional marriage; whereas Sharia is the principal tool to settle disputes in the aqid based marriage; and in most aspects the two laws exhibit a lot of conflicting principles. Consequently, confusions and complications might arise when codes of the two laws are blended and applied to resolve an issue, particularly marriage related dispute.

As mentioned earlier, in both types of marriage the groom’s family gives livestock and property to the bride’s family as a bride wealth. Therefore, conventionally, in case of divorce these animals and property or their equivalents must be forfeited to the husband’s family; and this exceptionally occurs when the divorce is instigated by the wife. A husband may not claim compensation if the dissolution of the marriage was due to his fault only.

Divorce in the shirfa labi is treated under the customary law and most of the times it occurs when the dispute is incurable. Usually, it culminates in compensations depending on who has instigated the divorce. The number of children born in the wedlock determines the size of the compensation; and with this regard there are two circumstances in which the husband is compensated assuming that the divorce is instigated by the wife. The first case is, if the couple has no children, the husband will fully be compensated, that is he will get back all what he paid for the bride wealth no matter how long they have lived together. The second instance happens when they have only one child and in which case the husband will get back half of the original bride wealth. The husband cannot claim any compensation in case they have two or more children. The explanation for the last situation is that the man gives up the expected compensation money for his children. Finally, regardless how long the couple has been married and whether they have children or not, if the divorce is the desire of the husband or if he is the one who has instigated the trouble that might lead to a possible divorce then no compensation will be accorded to him. After divorce the children will be under the custody of their maternal uncles and the divorced woman can get married for the second time. Marriage after divorce is a norm in the Nara culture, a person can marry for the second or third time; or even more, in extreme cases.

Divorce in Aqid based marriage is usually straightforward; a man has to publicly announce that he has divorced his wife by saying “I divorced her” three times. After divorce in this type of marriage the children will be under the custody of their father and the woman will be put on Iddah, immediately after the termination of the wedlock. Iddah (in Arabic) is a state of being under parental or family custody for three months period lest she is pregnant from her ex-husband. During which period the divorced woman must remain chaste until it is proved beyond doubt that she is clear of pregnancy.

Conclusion

This paper was meant to give a description about marriage ceremony in the Nara ethnic group of Eritrea, North East Africa. Along with the description about the age at marriage, rituals, selection of mates, bride price, types of Nara marriages, divorce etc. An attempt has been made to discuss the factors of changes in Nara marriage system. Since one of the present authors belongs to the studied ethnic groups, most of the data are collected by participation observation and interview methods. Documenting the bulk of customs and traditional practices of the less studied ethnic groups, like Nara, is essential as the forces of modernization and urbanization are fast encroaching and diluting the traditional ways and practices.

References

• Adem, Issa. 2008. Mythological and Medicinal Implications of AshalMbaa (Wedding Bath Ceremony). Eritrea Profile, Wednesday 22^nd October, p:7.
• Adem, Issa. 2014. Nara Ethnic Group of Eritrea, North-East Africa: Their Origin, Language, Socio-Economic Structure and Political Organization. Journal of Tribal, Folk, and Subaltern Studies Vol. 1 (1):5.
• Adem, Issa.2009. A Brief Overview of the Nara Ethnic Group: Language and People. Eritrea Profile 16 (July) P: 9.
• Crapo, Richley H. 2002. Cultural Anthropology: Understanding Ourselves & Others. New York; McGraw-Hill.
• Davidson, J.K. Nelwyn B. Moore. 1996. Marriage and Family: Change and Continuity. Needham Heights, Massachusetts, USA.
• Hailemariam, Chefena. 2002. Language and Education in Eritrea: A Case Study of Language Diversity, Policy and Practice. Amsterdam: Aksant Academic Publishers.
• Westermarck, Edward. 1894. The History of Human Marriage. London: Macmillan.

<href="#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" title="">[1] Head, Department of Eritrean Languages and Literature, Adi Keih College of Arts and Social Sciences, Asmara University, Eritrea, North-East Africa. E-mail: This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.

<href="#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2" title="">[2] Assistant Professor and Head, Department of Anthropology and Archaeology, Adi Keih College of Arts and Social Sciences, Asmara University, Eritrea, North-East Africa. E-mail: This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.